Suppression of Protesters from July 9, 1999, to January 2026; How are Iran's Protests 'Contained'?

The Enduring Legacy of July 9, 1999

The July 9, 1999, attack on Tehran University's student dormitory, following protests against the closure of the reformist newspaper "Salam," stands as a pivotal moment in the Islamic Republic's history of confronting street demonstrations. This event, which saw police and plainclothes agents violently suppress students, established a template for state response that has been referenced and adapted in subsequent waves of unrest. From the Green Movement in 2009 to the "Woman, Life, Freedom" protests of 2022 and the recent January 2026 demonstrations, the government's approach has consistently drawn lessons from this initial large-scale suppression.

The article emphasizes that while specific tactics may have evolved, the core strategy of containment, often termed "gathering" or "collecting" protests in official discourse, remains rooted in the experiences of July 9. This historical precedent underscores the regime's long-standing commitment to quashing dissent through force, often with many aspects of the suppression remaining opaque to the public. The government's consistent labeling of protesters as "rioters" or foreign agents, as seen in the January 2026 events where Mossad and Israeli agents were blamed, further solidifies this established pattern of delegitimizing internal opposition.

The Controversial Claims of Ali Shakourirad

A significant development highlighted by the article is the leaked audio file of reformist political activist Ali Shakourirad, published in February 2026. Shakourirad, a former MP, directly challenged the official narrative surrounding the January 2026 protests, which attributed violence to foreign entities like Mossad and "operational teams" linked to Reza Pahlavi. His remarks suggested that many Iranians do not believe these foreign interference claims, implying a deeper, more unsettling truth about the government's methods.

More controversially, Shakourirad recalled the July 9, 1999 events and posited that the government might "inject violence and destruction," including setting fire to public places like mosques, to justify its crackdowns. He further cited an article from an IRGC-affiliated university journal, suggesting a tactic of "creating martyrs from one's own forces" – meaning Basij or police personnel – to legitimize the suppression of what the government deems "riots." This explosive claim, though not explicitly using the term "martyr-making" in the cited article but rather "creating a scapegoat (sacrificing some of one's own agents)," implies a calculated strategy of self-inflicted damage to garner public sympathy and justify harsh responses.

Official Denial and Judicial Retribution

President Masoud Pezeshkian swiftly responded to Shakourirad's allegations, publicly questioning the notion that the government would intentionally burn markets, mosques, or ambulances to manage society. This denial underscores the sensitivity and gravity of Shakourirad's claims, which directly undermine the state's narrative of maintaining public order against external threats. The government's official stance consistently frames its violent actions as necessary for national security, portraying protesters as tools of foreign adversaries.

The consequences for Shakourirad were immediate and severe. Following the audio leak, the Iranian judiciary accused him of "propaganda against the system," leading to his arrest and imprisonment in Fashafuyeh. Although he was later released due to illness, his detention serves as a stark reminder of the risks associated with challenging the state's official narrative, particularly concerning its handling of protests and the alleged involvement of foreign elements. The incident highlights the regime's intolerance for internal criticism that questions its fundamental methods of control and legitimacy.