To Fix Haiti, Look to Colombia
The authors argue Haiti needs more than security force; it needs truth, justice, reintegration, and state-building. They hold up Colombia as an imperfect model for a durable peace.
Intelligence analysis by GPT-5.4 Mini
Haiti’s crisis will not end if international actors focus only on guns, the article argues. With gangs, weak institutions, and delayed elections, the authors say a real exit needs security plus justice, reintegration, and rebuilt state authority.
Haiti is like a house where the doors are broken and troublemakers have taken over the hallways. The article says sending more guards helps, but the house also needs repairs, fair rules, and trust so people can live there safely again.
Analysis
Security first, but not security only
The article says Haiti is at a fragile turning point: a new U.N.-backed Gang Suppression Force is arriving, Chad has begun deploying troops, and Washington has backed interim Haitian leadership to avoid a power vacuum. But the authors argue that restoring order requires more than replacing armed groups with foreign troops.
They connect Haiti’s current breakdown to the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse, which helped open the door to gang expansion and political paralysis. Since then, gangs have controlled roads, ports, fuel, food, and large parts of Port-au-Prince, turning insecurity into a market that is financed and sustained by more than just street-level gunmen.
Why Colombia comes up
The authors point to Colombia as an imperfect but relevant comparison because it shows the limits of trying to punish a country back into order. Their argument is not that Colombia is a clean success story, but that it offers lessons on peacebuilding, reintegration, and the need to combine justice with long-term state repair.
Elections are not enough
The article warns that elections alone cannot rebuild trust. Haiti’s first round of general elections, originally set for August 30, has been shelved because of security fears. The authors say holding a vote before the state can protect people and reestablish a presence nationwide would be reckless, but they also note that endlessly postponing elections damages citizen confidence and inclusion.
The core claim is that Haiti needs a broader transition strategy: one that targets not only armed groups, but also the financiers, patrons, corrupt officials, and business interests that let gang power regenerate. Without that wider effort, the article argues, security gains will remain temporary.
Key points
- The article argues Haiti cannot be fixed by force alone and needs truth, justice, reintegration, and state-building.
- It says the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse helped trigger the violence and political vacuum now consuming the country.
- A new U.N.-backed Gang Suppression Force is seen as necessary, but not enough to dismantle gang rule.
- The authors warn that elections before security is restored could repeat past mistakes and fail to rebuild trust.
- They point to Colombia as an imperfect but useful example of why durable peace needs more than punishment.
If the new security push restores basic safety, Haiti could begin rebuilding public authority in places gangs now control. The article suggests that a mix of justice, reintegration, and state-building could give elections and democratic trust a better chance later.
If the response stays focused only on armed force, gangs may keep controlling key routes, services, and money flows. The article warns that rushed elections or repeated delays could deepen distrust and leave the political transition unstable.
